In 1953 Wassily Leontief took the most capital-rich economy in the world and checked whether it exported capital-intensive goods, as Heckscher–Ohlin says it should. It didn’t. The search for the reason shaped trade theory for the next thirty years.
Leontief had built an input–output table of the American economy: how much each industry buys from every other, and how much labour and capital it uses. That let him count the labour and capital used, directly and through all the inputs, to make any bundle of goods.
He asked: if the United States cut its exports and its imports by $1 million each, making the imported goods at home instead,
Heckscher–Ohlin says a capital-abundant country exports capital-intensive goods. So exports should embody more capital per worker than import replacements.
| Per $1 million, 1947 | Capital | Labour (person-years) | Capital per worker |
|---|---|---|---|
| Exports | $2,550,780 | 182.313 | $13,991 |
| Import replacements | $3,091,339 | 170.004 | $18,184 |
American import replacements used about 30% more capital per worker than American exports (18,184 against 13,991 dollars). So the United States was exporting labour-intensive goods and importing capital-intensive ones.
Leontief’s test was a test of Heckscher–Ohlin (Hyderabad 2013). The result was a paradox because the United States was believed, by everyone, to be the most capital-abundant country in the world (Hyderabad 2021). Either the theory was wrong, or the test was.
| Explanation | The argument |
|---|---|
| Labour productivity (Leontief) | An American worker was about three times as productive as a foreign one. Count each American as three workers and the US is labour-abundant. Most economists found this unconvincing, since better American capital would raise its productivity too. |
| Human capital (Kravis, Kenen) | American exports used highly skilled, well-paid labour. Count skills as capital and American exports are capital-intensive after all. This is the most widely accepted explanation. |
| Natural resources (Vanek) | The US imported mining and oil products, which need a lot of capital. A two-factor test leaves land out, so resource-intensive imports look capital-intensive. |
| Tariffs (Travis) | US tariffs protected labour-intensive industries most, cutting labour-intensive imports. |
| Demand bias | If Americans strongly preferred capital-intensive goods, capital could be dear in the US despite being plentiful: capital-abundant by the physical definition, not by the price definition (Lesson 4). |
| Factor-intensity reversal (Minhas, 1962) | A good can be capital-intensive in the US and labour-intensive abroad. Then measuring imports with US technology misleads. Minhas found reversals in the data; later work found them less common. |
| The wrong comparison (Leamer, 1980) | The US ran a trade surplus in 1947. With unbalanced trade the right test compares capital per worker in what a country produces with what it consumes. By that test the US was revealed capital-abundant, and the paradox disappears. |
The search for an explanation pushed economists toward skills, technology and scale as sources of trade: the theories of Lessons 7 and 8. The human-skills theory is often listed among the “modern” theories for exactly this reason.
Labour tables, terms-of-trade bands, the theorems applied, and statement and matching questions, up to JNU level.
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